Semira N. Nikou
             On June 17, the U.N. Human Rights Council appointed Ahmed Shaheed,  former Maldives foreign minister (2005-07), as the new special  rapporteur to Iran. Shaheed had resigned from the foreign ministry in  2007 to protest the Maldives government’s failure to implement  democratic reforms. For his new position as special rapporteur, Shaheed  is tasked with monitoring the human rights situation, visiting Iran and  preparing a report for the United Nations. After the announcement, the  Iranian press reported that Shaheed would not be allowed to visit the  country.
           State Department spokeswoman  Victoria Nuland welcomed the appointment of Shaheed, a Muslim, to  “serve as a voice for the millions of Iranians who have suffered  egregious human rights violations and are not heard by their own  government. We encourage all members of the United Nations to support  Mr. Shaheed in his duties, and call on the Iranian Government to live up  to its commitments to universal human rights and to respect the writ of  the special rapporteur.”
           Shaheed  will be the fourth special rapporteur to Iran, after Andres Aguilar,  Reynaldo Galindo Pohl, and Maurice Copithorne. All past rapporteurs  expressed concerns about human rights violations in Iran but received  little cooperation from the Iranian government. Copithorne, for example,  was allowed in Iran only once at the beginning of his term.
           In  an interview, Roberto Toscano, who served as Italy’s ambassador between  2003 and 2008, explained the mission, purpose and challenges of the  special rapporteur. Toscano is currently a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson  International Center for Scholars.
    Interview with Roberto Toscano-Former Italian Ambassador to Iran (2003-08)
  - UN Human Rights Council appointed a Special Rapporteur to investigate Iran’s human rights situation. What are the specific duties of the rapporteur?
The special rapporteur has to prepare a  report. The job requires the collection and critical analysis of  information pertaining to human rights violations in a given country.  The rapporteur is not just a mailbox. He is supposed to vet information  because there is so much of it [and] there are so many denunciations.
  The  rapporteur has to exert discipline because he has to be credible.  He  has to gather information on any regime that deserves to be suspected.  [The information-gathering] is like a legal procedure [in the sense  that] even a serial killer has to be judged fairly.  So fairness is  extremely important—professionalism and fairness. 
  - Why did the United Nations opt to take this step? And why now?
There  was a political consensus in the Human Rights Council in Geneva that  developed around the idea. My personal opinion is that what happened in  2009 gave a boost to this idea because undoubtedly [the human rights  situation in Iran] became more critical. There were already human rights  problems in Iran before 2009, but afterward, the situation became more  critical.  There was more awareness in the international community, and  therefore more countries were in favor of instituting a special  rapporteur. [The U.N. council vote was 22 in favor of a special  rapporteur, seven opposed, and 14 abstentions].
  - Given Tehran’s objections to the appointment, how much cooperation do you anticipate from Iran? How can a rapporteur operate effectively if he is not allowed into Iran?
It does not look good.  Tehran’s attitude has been negative. Hopefully somebody [in Iran] will  realize that it is better for the rapporteur to have the capacity to  work thoroughly and fairy. But I am not very optimistic. The previous  rapporteur, Maurice Copithorne, went to Iran once, in the beginning of  his mandate, but never again because Iran rejects the function itself.
  Who  is it that generally gathers information about human rights violations  in Iran? The human rights activists, human rights watch, Amnesty  International, etc. I think the special rapporteur will inevitably have  to tap into the resources that already exist in Iran. Many of these  organizations are credible and can supply the rapporteur with reliable  material. So that is the only alternative.
  - How might the special rapporteur’s findings impact the human rights situation in Iran?
The  first important aspect of human rights activity is to make information  public. What any repressive government would love is to be left alone in  secret—like North Korea, for example. Do we know how many dissidents  are in jail in North Korea?  Do we know their names? No way.
  If  [the rapporteur’s findings] were not significant, we would not  understand why regimes hate the post. Governments don’t like to be  submitted to external scrutiny.
  - Does Iran care that the international community is increasingly raising human rights abuses?
It  makes Iran uncomfortable. [International scrutiny] would make any  government uncomfortable. If someone were to appoint a special  rapporteur to the United States, [Washington] would be uncomfortable—the  jails, the way immigrants are treated in certain states like Arizona,  etc. 
  But of course nobody can replace the  activity and engagement of a country’s people. The international  community can be helpful, counterproductive, etc. But the job belongs to  each of us within our own country. The future of Iran will definitely  not depend on what is decided in Geneva, New York, or even Washington  D.C. From the outside, we should at the very least do no harm. We should  not enter into strategies that are detrimental to the possibility of an  improvement in the life, democracy and human rights of the Iranians.
Online news media are welcome to republish original blog postings from this website (www.iranprimer.com) in full, with a citation and link back to The Iran Primer website (www.iranprimer.com)        as the original source. Any edits must be authorized by the   author.      Permission to reprint excerpts from The Iran Primer book   should be      directed to permissions@usip.org
