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Dealing with the Iranian Nuclear Challenge

            Tehran has “no urgent incentive to build nuclear weapons” according to a new policy brief by Robert Litwak. The nuclear issue is just part of a wider debate within Iran over how to interact with the outside world. The Islamic Republic “perceives the process of integration into an international community– whose dominant power is the United States– as an insidious threat to regime survival.” The following are excerpts from the policy brief from the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, with a link to the full text at the end.

            The nuclear crisis with Iran is playing out against the backdrop of potentially significant societal developments in the country. The problem for the United States is that the nuclear crisis is immediate, whereas the prospects for regime change or evolution in Iran are uncertain. The time lines for nuclear weapons acquisition and societal change are simply not in sync.

All Options Are on the Table

            All options for dealing with the Iranian nuclear challenge may remain on the table, but none is good. Military action? In Iran, bombing would, at best, set back but not end the nuclear program. Moreover, the case for a military strike on Iran’s nuclear program rests on an assessment that the theocratic regime is undeterrable and apocalyptic. But that depiction of Iran as an irrational state runs contrary to National Intelligence Estimates, which have characterized the clerical regime’s decision making as being “guided by a cost-benefit approach.” When asked whether the Iranian regime was messianic or rational, Obama said that Iranian decision making over the past three decades indicates that the clerics “care about the regime’s survival.”

            ...So Iran faces a profound dilemma. This outlier sees integration into the international community as a threat to regime survival, but Tehran’s posturing revisionism does not offer a viable long-term alternative. The nuclear question remains a proxy for the persisting debate about its relationship with the outside world. And that, in turn, presents Washington with a dilemma, one that may be managed but not resolved. Between the poles of induced integration and coerced regime change lies a third option, containment—an updated, retooled version of Kennan’s strategy that would decouple the nuclear issue from regime change and rely on internal forces as agents of societal change in Iran.

Conclusion

            In Iran, the nuclear issue remains a proxy for the unresolved debate over that country’s relationship with the United States and the outside world. Maintaining a hedge option for a nuclear weapon (absent some perceived security imperative for acquisition) is Iran’s strategic sweet spot.

            The term containment has been eschewed and delegitimized in U.S. policy debate. Yet it is an accurate description of current U.S. policy toward Iran and is likely to persist as long as the Tehran regime does not cross Washington’s red line of
weaponization.

Click here for the full text.

 

Khamenei Comments: Iran on the Rise

            In November, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei praised Iran’s influence and growing power in the region. He challenged Arab governments to follow Tehran’s example by assisting the Palestinians in Gaza. On Iran’s Navy Day, Khamenei encouraged navy commanders to expand operations in the Sea of Oman. He tried to maintain Iran’s image by stopping lawmakers from grilling President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on the economic crisis. “The enemy” wants to see infighting, he told members of parliament.
           
Khamenei also called on the Syrian opposition to lay down its arms and warned of the dangers of Western-style freedoms. The following are excerpts from his statements in November.

Arab Response to Gaza Unacceptable
            “Islamic countries, especially Arab governments, should reform their behavior on this issue and they should try to make the enemies [Israelis] lift the siege of this region by helping the innocent and brave people of Gaza. The Islamic Ummah should follow the example of the victorious resistance of the people of Gaza, and it should realize that resistance is the only way to defeat the enemies of Islam…
            The behavior of Arab and Islamic governments regarding the events of Gaza was unacceptable because some of them only condemned the Zionists in words and some others did not even condemn the Zionists in words.” November 21
 
Enough Infighting
            “We demand that the respected representatives not continue [with the summons]… The two sides may be emotional…but all officials need to be calm… The legislative branch proved that it has a strong sense of responsibility and the executive branch proved that it has enormous confidence in its decisions and actions. This was a good test for both braches, but I believe it is enough and the efforts should not be continued… The people are also wise, and they know that the continuation of this issue is exactly what the enemy wants.” November 21
 
Upper Hand in Foreign Policy
            “If we take a look at regional and global matters, we see clearly that the Islamic Republic of Iran has the upper hand in these developments… Given the West's policies in the Middle East, it is quite obvious that Iran is closer to reaching its goals than the West.” November 27
 
Expand Iran’s Naval Presence
            The Sea of Oman and Makran region can provide “great national wealth” for Iran. “If executive and other officials try to adopt a strategic view on the issues concerning coastal regions, this vast and important region can provide the Islamic Republic of Iran with great opportunities.” November 27
 
Syria and the Chain of Resistance
            “The truth of the Syrian issue is that the camp of the arrogant powers is trying to destroy the link that connects the chain of resistance in the region and is located next to the borders of the usurping Zionist regime…If the Syrian opposition forces put their weapons down, there will be an opportunity for them to demand of the government to listen to them and let them announce their positions.” November 19
 
Dangerous Freedoms and Western Hypocrisy
            “[Western-style] freedom in the economy, political scene and moral issues…reflect terrible, bitter, heinous and in some cases abhorrent realities in the Western society. The results are discrimination, bullying, warmongering and double standards towards noble issues like human rights and democracy.” November 14
            “The leaders of global arrogance– such as the American government, which supports the crimes of the brutal Zionists– shamelessly claim that they defend human rights and they put themselves in the position of prosecutors of other peoples and countries.” November 21
 

Iran on Direct U.S. Talks

            Senior Iranian officials sent mixed signals in response to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s statement about bilateral talks between Washington and Tehran. Iranian Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi has indicated an openness to direct U.S. talks. But the Supreme Leader’s representative to the Revolutionary Guards said “accepting talks is like surrendering” to the United States. On November 29, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the United States must do everything “unilaterally, bilaterally, multilaterally” to reach an agreement with Iran on its nuclear program. The following are reactions by top officials.

Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Salehi
            “I am not sure what exactly the U.S. State Secretary means by direct talks. If she means political discussions, that is another matter, and the decision-maker on that is the Supreme Leader. But if the meaning is a topical discussion on the nuclear issue, this is already taking place and it is not a very important matter and is moving forward…”
            “Discussions on particular topics and in particular situations have already taken place with the United States, including talks on Iraq and Afghanistan. Also, nuclear talks with the P5+1, in which the United States is present, are taking place. But if broad political discussions are being considered in people’s minds, this issue is in the realm of the Supreme Leader’s authority, and the Supreme Leader decides, for example, whether such an action takes place or not.”  December 3 to the Islamic Republic News Agency
 
Hojatoleslam Ali Saeedi, the Supreme Leader’s representative to the Revolutionary Guards
            “There will be no success for Iran in talks with the United States, because the strategic issues between Iran and the United States are so broad that they can in no way be negotiated… Accepting talks is like surrendering to the hegemonic system… The U.S. goal is force Iran to surrender from its previous positions regarding the hegemonic system; and to change an uncompromising regime into a compromising one.
            When she [Clinton] says that wherever she goes, she sees Iran’s footprints, it means that they will never give up their hegemonic nature. In any talks, they will definitely demand that Iran stop supporting Lebanese Hezbollah, Palestinian resistance groups, regional movements, and the world’s Shiites.”December 2
 
Mohammad-Hossein Saffar-Harandi, advisor to the Revolutionary Guards
            “If Iran and the United States are to engage in talks, these talks will be from a position of honor and not because the Iranian nation is weak or because the sanctions have worked.” December 2

Member of Parliament Seyed Sharif Hosseini
            “On the one hand they take a step forward and announce their readiness for talks, while on the other hand, they intensify sanctions... The United States has always followed this double-standard policy and this is the reason that the Islamic republic, which sees U.S. actions clearly, has not entered the talks with this country.”

            “The U.S. wants to announce to the world that it is ready for talks with Iran and it is the Islamic republic that is not willing to negotiate. The U.S. has long used this kind of political legerdemain.” December 3

 

Israeli Support Wanes for Iran Strike

            Support for an Israeli strike on Iran has waned over the last year, according to a new study. Only one in five Israelis polled support a unilateral strike on Iran’s nuclear facilities. Half of the respondents said they believed that Iran will eventually acquire nuclear weapons, while just as many said Iran is somewhat likely or unlikely to acquire a bomb. Israelis were also evenly divided over a diplomatic deal that would allow Iran to maintain nuclear energy for electricity under U.N. supervision—with 46 percent approving and 47 percent not supporting such a deal.

            The following are excerpts from the report by the Brookings Institution, the University of Maryland and the Program on International Policy Studies, with a link to the full text at the bottom. 

Iran’s Nuclear Program
 
            Concerns about Iran appear to have moderated a bit. While a majority of Israelis thinks it is very likely that Iran will develop nuclear weapons, among Israeli Jews this is down 8 points over the last year. Opposition to a military attack against Iran’s nuclear facilities has risen modestly, and only one in five Israelis now favor attacking without U.S. support. Only one in four believe that an attack would delay Iran’s ability for more than five years.
 
            A substantial majority of Israelis favor a Middle East Nuclear Free Zone that would include Israel, though among Israeli Jews this is down a bit from a year ago. Israelis are divided on a possible U.N. deal whereby Iran would be allowed to enrich uranium at low levels provided that it allows intrusive inspections to ensure that it is not developing nuclear weapons.
 
            Israelis continue to show a pessimistic view in regard to the likelihood that Iran will develop nuclear weapons. Asked “How likely do you think it is that Iran will eventually develop nuclear weapons?” 51% of Israelis called it very likely, with another 36% calling it somewhat likely (not very likely, 7%; not at all likely, 3%).
 
            However there has been an eight point drop among Israeli Jews holding this pessimistic view over the last year, with the number saying it is very likely dropping from 62% in 2011 to 54 percent today. Reminded that “there is talk of a possible Israeli attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities” and asked whether they would support or oppose it, half of Israelis overall (50%) oppose such an attack while 38% support it.
 
Among Israeli Jews opposition has risen from 41% a year ago to 46% today, with 41% now supporting it. But when asked explicitly in another question about whether to proceed with an attack unilaterally, only with U.S. support, or not at all, only one in five Israelis favor proceeding without U.S. support. Among Israeli Jews, those ready to proceed without U.S. support has dropped from 22% a year ago to 18% now.
 
            Given the importance to Israelis of not acting alone, it is interesting to note Israelis’ expectations of how the United States would react if Israel did go ahead with a strike on Iranian facilities. Only one in four Israelis (24%) think the United States “would join the war on Israel’s behalf.” Almost half (46%) think the United States “would support Israel diplomatically, but not provide military assistance.” Another quarter thought the United States would either stay neutral (14%) or “would punish Israel by withdrawing its current support” (11%). Among Israeli Jews, it should be noted that those expecting the United States would join Israel in fighting have dropped from 28 to 21% over the last year.
 
            Only one in four Israelis believe that a military attack would delay Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons by more than five years [see chart].
 
            But there has been some increase among Israeli Jews in the belief that it would have some effect. The number of Israelis who think a strike would create a one-to-two year delay in Iran’s capabilities has risen from 9 to 19%; those who would expect a three-to-five year delay have also risen slightly, from 22% to 26%. However, those who would expect a delay longer than five years were stable at 23%. Another fifth thought a strike would either have no effect (8%, down from 19%) or would accelerate Iran’s program (11%, unchanged).
 
Possible Agreement with Iran
 
            Israelis are divided on a possible U.N. deal whereby Iran would be allowed to enrich uranium at low levels, provided that it allows intrusive inspections to ensure that it is not developing nuclear weapons. Respondents were reminded that “there is some talk about possible negotiations between Iran and the United States about Iran’s nuclear program” and asked to consider the following proposal:
 
If Iran were to allow U.N. inspectors permanent and full access throughout Iran, to make sure it is not developing nuclear weapons, do you think Iran should or should not be allowed to produce low level nuclear fuel that could only be used for producing electricity? Forty-six percent of Israelis said they would approve such a deal, while 47 percent said they would not.
 
Click here for the full text.
 

U.S. Sanctions Iran's Shipping and Energy Sectors

            On November 30, the U.S. Senate unanimously approved new sanctions on Iran’s energy and shipping sectors. Foreign financial institutions will face stiff penalties for facilitating the sale, supply or transfer of goods or services from Iranian energy and shipping companies. The sanctions may also stem the transfer of gold from Turkey to Iran, which is helping Tehran buy foreign goods. Senators voted 94-0 to add the new sanctions into the annual defense policy bill. “We must be clear to the Iranians that toughing it out and waiting it out is not an option, that it will only get worse,” said Democratic Senator Robert Menendez, a co-author of the amendment containing the sanctions. The following are excerpts from the bill.

Except as provided in this section, the President shall prohibit the opening, and prohibit or impose strict conditions on the maintaining, in the United States of a correspondent account or a payable-through account by a foreign financial institution that the President determines knowingly, on or after the date that is 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, conducts or facilitates a significant financial transaction for the sale, supply, or transfer to or from Iran of goods or services described in paragraph (3).
 
    (3) GOODS AND SERVICES DESCRIBED.--Goods or services described in this paragraph are goods or services used in connection with the energy, shipping, or shipbuilding sectors of Iran, including the National Iranian Oil Company, the National Iranian Tanker Company, and the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines.
 
SEC. 1255. IMPOSITION OF SANCTIONS WITH RESPECT TO THE SALE, SUPPLY, OR TRANSFER OF CERTAIN MATERIALS TO OR FROM IRAN.

    (a) Sale, Supply, or Transfer of Certain Materials.--The President shall impose 5 or more of the sanctions described in section 6(a) of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996 (Public Law 104-172; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note) with respect to a person if the President determines that the person knowingly, on or after the date that is 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, sells, supplies, or transfers, directly or indirectly, to or from Iran--
    (1) a precious metal;
    (2) a material described in subsection (c) determined pursuant to subsection (d)(1) to be used by Iran as described in that subsection;
    (3) any other material described in subsection (c) if--
    (A) the material is--
    (i) to be used in connection with the energy, shipping, or shipbuilding sectors of Iran or any sector of the economy of Iran controlled directly or indirectly by Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps;
    (ii) sold, supplied, or transferred to or from an Iranian person included on the list of specially designated nationals and blocked persons maintained by the Office of Foreign Assets Control of the Department of the Treasury; or
    (iii) relevant to the nuclear, military, or ballistic missile programs of Iran; or
    (B) the material is resold, retransferred, or otherwise supplied--
    (i) to an end-user in a sector described in clause (i) of subparagraph (A);
    (ii) to a person described in clause (ii) of that subparagraph; or
    (iii) for a program described in clause (iii) of that subparagraph.
 
Click here for the full text of the defense bill.
 

 

The Islamists Are Coming

The Islamists Are Coming, edited by Robin Wright, surveys the rise of Islamist groups in the wake of the Arab Spring. Often lumped together, the more than 50 Islamist parties with millions of followers now constitute a whole new spectrum—separate from either militants or secular parties. They will shape the new order in the world’s most volatile region more than any other political bloc. Yet they have diverse goals and different constituencies. Sometimes they are even rivals.

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