Garrett Nada's Blog

Latest on the Race: Jalili, Ideologue on Twitter

May 15, 2013 | 11:12am

Garrett Nada

Saeed Jalili has never held elective office, yet he may have an important edge in the presidential race because of his close ties with Iran’s supreme leader. He is an insider’s insider. At the same time, Jalili is not a charismatic figure. He unsuccessfully ran for parliament in 2000 and 2004 to represent his hometown of Mashhad, according to his website. In a three-week presidential campaign, the challenge for Jalili may be winning sufficient public support in a field of better known candidates.

Jalili has been secretary of the Supreme National Security Council since 2007. It is a powerful position, yet he has not had same visibility as his predecessors. His main strength has been his loyalty to the regime and commitment to the revolutionary narrative of Iranian independence from both East and West. His politics also fit well with the so-called principlist conservatives—or people who adhere to the revolution’s early ideals.

Yet Jalili quickly went on a campaign offensive right after registering to run on May 11. He opened a Twitter feed, Google Plus account, blog and website—and in the first few days tweeted up to 50 campaign slogans in English, Arab and Farsi a day. He has had some uncharacteristically tough words for colleagues also running for the presidency. “Some politicians have certain view today, tomorrow they will present totally opposite views based on their own personal interests,” he tweeted on May 14.

What support does Jalili have among the general population?

Jalili’s wartime credentials may be one of his two major assets. Born in 1965, he belongs to a generation defined by the 1980-1988 war with Iraq. His official biography says he served in the Basij paramilitary under the Revolutionary Guards, whose influence in politics and the economy has soared over the past decade. Veterans won at least 16 percent of parliament’s 290 seats in 2004. Jalili posted a picture of himself from the war on his campaign site. On May 13, he tweeted an article about a veteran’s association endorsing his campaign.

Jalili has also served in highly visible government positions. He ran the supreme leader’s office from 2001 to 2005. In 2005, newly elected President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad appointed Jalili, a personal friend, to be deputy foreign minister for European and American affairs. In 2007, Ahmadinejad appointed him to be secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and chief nuclear negotiator.

But Jalili has little experience working on domestic affairs, which may pose a problem since the economy is a key campaign issue.

How is Jalili perceived among Iran’s political elite?

Jalili and Ahmadinejad’s friendship has reportedly suffered since the president began challenging the supreme leader’s authority after his 2009 reelection. Jalili is now widely considered to be closer to the supreme leader, which could be a key to his political future. Many candidates are running on anti-Ahmadinejad platforms.

Among Iran watchers, Jalili is also considered an old-time ideologue at a time when more practical issues, such as the economic crisis and international isolation, dominate the political space. Jalili has promoted his religiosity in his campaign materials. His campaign posted a picture of Jalili praying in a mosque in Kazakhstan during the April 2013 nuclear negotiations with the United States and five other world powers.

Conservative media have portrayed Jalili as a man with a common touch. One news agency posted a picture of the Jalili’s Kia Pride next to the high-end Mercedes of Hashemi Rafsanjani, another presidential candidate. His own website described him as “a diplomat who speaks little, but who is decisive and revolutionary.” His official biography has emphasized his “humility” and preference for “simple living.”

What positions has Jalili taken on the top campaign issues?

On the economy, Jalili has claimed that international sanctions against Iran have actually spurred economic growth. His campaign website has highlighted his drive to combat public corruption, which several candidates have blamed for causing the economic crisis. He reportedly dismissed 17 envoys while working at the foreign ministry for corruption. Jalili has also called for further privatization. Iran’s large public sector is widely regarded as inefficient.

On foreign policy, Jalili has echoed the supreme leader. He has described the Arab uprisings as part of “Islamic Awakening” modeled on Iran’s 1979 revolution—noting that the Iran model of an Islamic state can be reproduced everywhere. Jalili has also encouraged developing countries to pool their economic power to rival the superpowers. He tweeted the following slogan on May 14, 2013:

What are the qualities for an active international relation? "Dignity, Wisdom and Goodwill" #Jalili #Iranelection #Iran
— Dr Saeed Jalili (@DrSaeedJalili) May 14, 2013

Jalili has taken a hardline position on the United States and the West. The United States “violates its claims about democracy and free trade by meddling in the internal affairs of other countries,” he said on a January 2013 visit to India. But in a May 14 tweet, his campaign supported U.S.-Iran cooperation to keep the Olympic committee from cutting wrestling. The Iranian team was scheduled to visit the Los Angeles and New York for two friendly matches to raise the sport’s profile that week.

#Jalili's campaign supports world wrestlers from #US, #Russia, #Iran who unite to keep Wrestling in Olympics.
— Dr Saeed Jalili (@DrSaeedJalili) May 14, 2013

Jalili has been a staunch defender of Iran’s nuclear energy program and right to enrich uranium. He has claimed that Tehran has no intention of building nuclear weapons. Jalili has also warned the international community against imposing further sanctions on Iran. He tweeted the following message on May 15, 2013.

Dr #Jalili: #Iranelection will not have any impact on #Iran's nuclear program because it is a national interest isna.ir/fa/news/920225…
— Dr Saeed Jalili (@DrSaeedJalili) May 15, 2013

What role has he played in negotiations between Iran and the outside world?

Since 2007, Jalili has been Iran’s chief negotiator in talks on Iran’s controversial nuclear program with the international community. He led Iran’s delegations in talks with both the world’s six major powers – the United States, Russia, China, Britain, France and Germany—as well as with the International Atomic Energy Agency, which is the U.N. nuclear watchdog.

Foreign diplomats describe Jalili as adamant in defending Iran’s right to enrich uranium and long-winded, often taking hours to outline Iran’s positions. In negotiations, he is generally viewed as a purveyor of Iran’s position and a functionary rather than a pivotal decision-maker with the latitude to negotiate compromise on the spot. But they may be assets that generate trust within the regime’s inner circle.

What is his background?

Jalili was born in 1965 in the northeastern city of Mashhad. He attended Imam Sadiq University after serving on the front during the 1980-1988 war with Iraq. The elite Tehran institution has prepared many students for bureaucratic positions. Jalili did his graduate work on political thought in the Koran. He reportedly published a book on the Prophet Mohamed’s foreign policy while working for the foreign ministry. Jalili has also taught courses on political science at Sharif University and Imam Sadiq University, according to the biography on his campaign website.

Click here for Jalili's positions on key issues

Links to Jalili's campaign website, Twitter feed and Google Plus account

Garrett Nada is a Program Assistant at USIP in the Center for Conflict Management.

Online news media are welcome to republish original blog postings from this website in full, with a citation and link back to The Iran Primer website (www.iranprimer.com) as the original source. Any edits must be authorized by the author. Permission to reprint excerpts from The Iran Primer book should be directed to permissions@usip.org

Tags: Election, Jalili, Politics, Presidency, Profile

Sport I:Iran and US Wrestle--in a different way

May 13, 2013 | 12:00pm

Garrett Nada

Iran and the United States have at least one urgent interest in common: Their wrestling federations have teamed up to salvage wrestling for the 2020 Olympics after the Olympic Committee recommended dropping the sport in February 2013. The Iranian and American teams were scheduled to hold two friendly matches ― in New York on May 15 and in Los Angeles on May 19 ― to raise the sport’s profile before the committee makes a final decision in September. The Iranians beat the Americans 6 to 1 in New York.

      But the Iranian team’s first trip to the United States in a decade was cut short. The team abruptly flew back to Tehran on May 16. Iran’s wrestling federation told its U.S. counterpart that the team’s schedule had changed but did not provide further explanation. The Iranians said that they remain committed to keeping wrestling in the Olympics.
      Despite tensions between their governments, the American and Iranian wrestling organizations have developed a unique relationship over the past two decades. Iran’s national team has competed in the United States ten times since 1995.
      U.S. participation in Iran’s 1998 Takhti Cup marked the first visit by an American sports team since the 1979 Islamic revolution. The team has competed in Iran ten other times since then. Rich Bender, executive director of USA Wrestling, discusses the U.S.-Iran wrestling relationship.

What is the nature of the U.S.-Iran wrestling relationship?

We have a positive and strong relationship built on years of competition. The U.S. team has been to Iran 11 times. I have been on four of those tours, and the atmosphere has always been really positive. We have been greeted with open arms. Iranians have shown our athletes a great deal of respect on and off the field of play. Iranians have a high degree of wrestling knowledge, and they appreciate high-level competition. They have been really supportive of our athletes and have cheered them on. Most U.S.-Iran interaction revolves around competitions and exchanges, with the exception of our current joint effort to keep wrestling in the 2020 Olympics.

How are Iran and the United States coordinating their efforts to keep wrestling in the 2020 Olympics?

I visited Iran for the freestyle World Cup in mid-February, less than a week after the Olympic committee recommended dropping wrestling. After I landed in Tehran, I immediately started talking to my Iranian counterparts about ways to collaborate.

The international wrestling federation and 177 nations, including Iran and the United States, have launched a coordinated effort to retain wrestling as an Olympic sport. Our two federations are hosting the Los Angeles and New York matches in conjunction with “World Wrestling Month.”

What difference do matches like these have on diplomacy with Iran? What is the role of sports between nations?

Sports are a force for good. They bring people together. And interaction increases understanding and lowers barriers. Love of sports is a commonality even among nations that see things differently in terms of politics and religion.

“Ping-pong diplomacy” had a positive impact on the U.S.-China relationship in the early 1970s. The exchange of players helped pave the way for President Richard Nixon’s 1972 visit to Beijing.

Wrestling in particular is one of the best sports to provide the opportunity for collaboration. The upcoming exchanges in Los Angeles and New York will feature some intense matchups. But the events are solely about raising wrestling’s profile. The U.S. and Iranian teams want to make a strong case for keeping wrestling in the Olympics.

How do the two teams compare?

Iran, Russia and the United States have the top three teams in freestyle wrestling. Iran’s team won six medals at the 2012 Olympics, including three golds. Iran has won 38 medals in wrestling since 1948.

In the 2012 games, the U.S. team took four medals, including two golds. The United States has won 129 medals in wrestling since 1904.

Iran won the freestyle World Cup in February 2013. Russia took second place, followed by the United States.

How do U.S. and Iranian wrestling styles differ?

Neither team has a particular style. The great thing about wrestling is that no technique necessarily works better than another. The athletes use a diverse range of styles and skill sets. There are similarities on both sides of the mat. Some wrestlers tend to be very technical, while others focus on their power.

How often do the teams compete? How do the athletes and coaches get along?

We meet just about every year at the World Championships, sometimes at World Cups and some other competitions. The United States regularly attends Iran’s annual Takhti Cup. The teams have a mutual respect for each other’s skills.

The head coaches of the two teams, Zeke Jones and Gholamreza Mohammadi, actually wrestled against each other in the early 1990s. So the rivalry between the two teams has some history.

The current rivalry dates from the finals of the 2012 Olympics. Jordan Burroughs beat Iran’s Sadegh Goudarzi for the gold medal in the 74 kilo weight class.

One of the most interesting matchups in the upcoming tour will be between 120 kilogram heavyweights Tervel Dlagnev and Komeil Ghasemi. Iran’s Ghasemi beat Dlagnev for the bronze medal in the 2012 Olympics.

Friendly meets and exchanges provide opportunities for interactions off the mat, including occasional team meals together. But for the most part, athletes from both teams tend to stay in competition mode and focus on the matches.

Iran’s wrestling team has competed in the United States ten times:

1995 World Championships in Atlanta, Georgia

1995 World Cup in Chattanooga, Tennessee

1996 Olympic Games in Atlanta, Georgia

1998 Junior World Championships in Primm, Nevada

1998 World Cup in Stillwater, Oklahoma

1998 Goodwill Games in New York City, New York

1999 World Cup in Spokane, Washington

2000 World Cup in Fairfax, Virginia

2001 World Cup in Baltimore, Maryland

2003 World Championships in New York City, New York

Rich Bender is the executive director of USA Wrestling.

Photo Credits: Jordan Burroughs and Sadegh Goudarzi at the 2012 Olympics, courtesy of USA Wrestling.

Sport II: The Basketball Bridge

Click here for more information on the friendly matches.

Garrett Nada is a Program Assistant at USIP in the Center for Conflict Management.

Tags: Diplomacy, Olympics, Sports, United States

Sport II: The Basketball Bridge

May 13, 2013 | 11:19am

Garrett Nada

      For more than a decade, Iran has looked to the United States to improve its caliber of basketball. In 2000, the national team even hired American coach Gary LeMoine. Since then, dozens of Americans ― reportedly 37 during one season ― have played on Iranian teams. Jonas Lalehzadeh is among the best-known.
      Since 2011, the six-foot-five-inch point guard from California has played for the national team and two professional clubs in the Super League, Iran’s equivalent of the National Basketball Association. He was the league’s top scorer in the 2012-2013 season.
      Lalehzadeh has ties to both cultures, which makes him unusual among the Americans who play ball in Iran. His Iranian parents were completing their degrees in the United States during the 1979 revolution and decided to stay. He was born in 1989. He grew up in southern California, but was immersed in Persian culture and spoke Farsi at home. He had hoped to play professional basketball in the United States, but didn’t get drafted. So he turned to his parent’s homeland. In an interview, he discussed his experience playing basketball and living in Iran as an American.

What role can sports play in diplomacy? What do American and Iranians have in common on basketball?

Sports can transcend political differences. American and Iranians both love basketball. Many young Iranians are diehard National Basketball Association (NBA) fans. They do whatever it takes to watch American games online. And they know their favorite players’ statistics by heart. Kobe Bryant and Lebron James have huge followings. The NBA’s only Iranian player, Hamed Haddadi of the Phoenix Suns, also has many fans. Iranians recognize the talent of American players and consider them among the world’s best.

What is the role of foreign players in Iran?

Foreign players, especially Americans, are not only expected to score a lot of points. They are also expected to teach fundamentals to their Iranian teammates and improve their team’s overall ability. Some teams rely heavily on the performance of their foreign players, who are paid up to three times more than their Iranian teammates.

As a result, Iran imposes a rule on how many foreigners can play at the same time. During the regular season, each team is allowed to have only one foreign player on the floor at a time. Two are allowed on the court during the playoffs. But most teams have only one foreigner.

How is the level of play in Iran? How do Iranian and U.S. styles differ?

Iran has one of the best national teams in Asia. It’s won the Asia Championship twice. The level of play has improved significantly over the last decade. Iranians train just as hard as their U.S. counterparts. Friday is the only day off, so they train twice a day, six days a week.

In Iranian basketball, big men play with more finesse and move more fluidly. In the United States, the big players focus on power. I have played off guard and point guard in Iran. Iranian guards are more physical than their American counterparts because international rules allow them to be more aggressive.

How did you end up playing professional basketball in Iran? What teams have you played for and what competitions have you participated in?

I played basketball for my high school. I had a walk-on spot on the University of California at Irvine’s team in 2008. I played for three seasons.

In one of the most unusual diplomatic outreach efforts, the State Department and the NBA invited Iran’s national basketball team to play in a summer league hosted by the Utah Jazz. The Iranian team played four games in the U.S. summer league to prepare for the 2008 Olympics. My father contacted the Iranians and told them about me. I went to Utah and trained with the team for a few days. The Iranian coaches were impressed and wanted me to play for Iran in the Olympics. But there was not enough time to get my visa.

The Iranian team later invited me to play for the senior national team in 2011. So I skipped my senior season at Irvine and played in international tournaments for the Iranian team in Portugal and Hungary.

I decided to stay in Iran to get more playing experience at the professional level. I signed with Petrochimi Bandar Imam (a professional team) for the 2011-2012 Super League season. The team is based in Bandar Imam, a small town in Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran. I helped take the team to the Super League national finals for the first time in eight years. But we did not win.

I then played for another team, Petrochimi Mahshar, in the 2012-2013 season. We made it to the playoffs despite the team’s low budget. I was the league’s high scorer during the regular season, averaging about 20.6 points per game.

I was also invited to play for the senior national team, which is drawn from players on many Iranian teams, in the West Asia Basketball Association Championship in February 2013. We beat Lebanon in overtime and won the regional championship. The victory qualified Iran for the Asia Cup, which is scheduled for August 2013 in the Philippines.

How were you received in Iran? How was the transition?

I grew up speaking Farsi with my parents and was already familiar with Persian customs and holidays. Iranians are very warm and hospitable, so they treated me as a guest at first. Learning about my parent’s home country was just as important to me as playing professional basketball.

In Iran, print journalists and television media were interested in how I ended up playing in Iran, given political tensions with United States. I felt like an ambassador at times when answering questions about basketball and life in the United States. Many Iranians told me they think highly of Americans despite tension between Tehran and Washington. I was honored to represent both countries, as the first athlete born outside of Iran to play for its national team.

What are your plans and goals?

I will do whatever it takes to get into the NBA. I might need to keep playing in Iran to gain more experience. I would also consider playing in Europe or the NBA development league.

I have really appreciated the opportunity to play basketball and learn more about Iranian culture. My 47,000 Facebook fans and 9,000 Twitter followers have learned a bit about Iran while following my journey. I actually have not spent that much time in Tehran. The professional teams I have played for are based in Khuzestan, a province populated by many Arabs. I have enjoyed experiencing each province’s unique cultural, culinary and linguistic mix.

Lalehzadeh's Official Facebook Page

Sport I: Iran and US Wrestle in a Different Way

Garrett Nada is a Program Assistant at USIP in the Center for Conflict Management.

Tags: Diplomacy, Sports, United Arab Emirates

Politics and Art of Iran’s Revolutionary Tulips

April 23, 2013 | 1:00pm

Garrett Nada

Their petals are on the national flag. They line the dome above Ayatollah Khomeini’s tomb. They adorn billboards of martyrs from the war with Iraq. They have been depicted on coins and postage stamps. And hotels, parks and restaurants are named after them.

In Iran, the tulip―laleh in Farsi―is ubiquitous.

The Flag's Tulip

The tulip became one the most common symbols of the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Its new flag featured a red tulip in the center to commemorate the revolution’s martyrs. The sword and the four crescent-shaped petals form the word “Allah” and symbolize the five pillars of Islam― faith, prayer, charity, fasting during Ramadan, and the pilgrimage to Mecca.

The revolution has always had a soft spot for the fragile spring flower, a symbol of martyrdom in Shiite Islam. In early Shiism's history, the Prophet Mohammed’s grandson Hossein fell in battle against the Umayyad Dynasty near Karbala, now part of modern Iraq. Tulips sprang from Hossein’s blood, according to tradition.

Art of War

During the 1980-1988 war with Iraq, the government featured the tulip in posters, billboards and art. Iranians referred to the war as the “Holy Defense” and considered fallen soldiers martyrs. “Every soil is Karbala,” was a slogan during the war.

The painting on the left shows a soldier’s blood forming a tulip. Hossein sits on a white horse in the background.

72 Tulips in Mourning

Iran’s late supreme leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, died on June 3, 1989. The tomb of the revolutionary cleric is decorated with 72 stained glass tulips. The flowers represent the 72 martyrs who fought and died with Hossein in Karbala.

Hossein’s forces knew they were grossly outnumbered, but they believed it was better to die fighting for justice than to live with injustice. Sacrifice in the name of justice has been central to the Shiite sect ever since then.

Tulips in Opposition

Ironically, the tulip also became a symbol of Iran’s opposition after the June 2009 presidential election. At its peak, millions took to the streets of cities across Iran to challenge the reelection of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. After a brutal government crackdown, the tulip became the metaphor for the Green Movement’s struggle to survive—and to fight for justice.

On her blog, activist Melody Moezzi compared the opposition to tulips. “Tulips are delicate flowers by nature. A mild wind properly timed can prove fatal. But tulips do not die. They are perennial. Between blooms, they prepare.”

A Tulip Love Story

The tulip’s importance in Iranian culture actually dates to ancient times. Nowruz, the Persian New Year, has been celebrated for over 3,000 years. Tulips are a common sight during Nowruz, which marks the coming of spring. Each year, Iranians sing, “This spring be your good luck, the tulip fields be your joy.”

In a legend about sixth-century Iran, the young prince Farhad heard rumors that Shirin, his great love, had been killed. He was so overcome with grief that he jumped off a cliff. But the story had a Romeo-and-Juliet twist. A jealous rival actually spread a false rumor to sabotage the relationship. According to lore, tulips then grew where his blood had dripped. Ever since, the flowers have been associated with eternal love and sacrifice.

The Tulip on Facebook

Fifteen centuries later, the tulip is now even used on Facebook as a logo for a website that commemorates the martyrs of the Iran-Iraq war.

Laleh is a motif common in culture and commerce as well. Laleh Park is one of the capitals’ largest recreation areas. The Tulip Hospital is a major health care facility in Tehran. And the old Intercontinental Hotel was even renamed the Laleh International after the revolution.

Garrett Nada is a Program Assistant at the U.S. Institute of Peace in the Center for Conflict Management.

Photo credits:
• Tulips on stamp by Rozita (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons
• Iran flag via www.en.iran.ir
• Khamenei with stairs and soldiers via Beheshte Zahra
•"Certitude of Belief" (ca. 1981) via University of Chicago Library
•Tomb of Ayatollah Khomeini via http://en/imam-khomeini.ir
•Green Movement tulip via Facebook and www.greenfriend.info
•Farhad meets Shirin via Wikimedia Commons
•Tulip logo via Lalehaa and Facebook

Tags: Art, Green Movement, Iran Politics, Iraq, Islam, Khomeini, Opposition, Shiite, War

Latest on the Race: Rival Conservative Coalitions

April 11, 2013 | 2:12pm

Garrett Nada

In Iran, conservative candidates come in many shades. The presidential race has already produced two new coalitions among the Islamic Republic’s many hardline factions. The goal is to consolidate the political clout of individual candidates two months before the June election.

The first coalition brings together three prominent principlists (fundamentalists). They intend to hold a public opinion poll to determine which of the three to formally nominate. Formed in January, it is called the “2+1” coalition. It includes:

•Ali Akbar Velayati, the supreme leader’s chief foreign policy adviser

•Gholam Ali Haddad-Adel, a member of parliament

•Mohammad-Baqer Qalibaf, the mayor of Tehran

The second coalition brings together five principlist candidates, none of whom are political heavyweights. They plan to pick one of their leaders to contest the election to avoid splitting the vote. Formed in April, the coalition is called the Followers of the Imam’s Line and Leadership Front. [Imam Ruhollah Khomeini led the 1979 revolution.] It includes:

•Manouchehr Mottaki, a former foreign minister

•Mohammad Reza Bahonar, a deputy speaker of parliament

•Yahya Al-e Eshaq, chairman of Tehran Chamber of Commerce

•Mohammad Hassan Aboutorabi-Fard, a deputy speaker of parliament

•Mostafa Pourmohammadi, the head of the General Inspection Organization.

The Followers Coalition

Mohammad Hassan Aboutorabi-Fard, born in the early 1950s, is a cleric and the vice-speaker of Iran’s parliament. He claims to have support of people from the Combatant Clergy Association and the Qom Seminary, according to parliament’s news agency.

Yahya Al-e Eshaq, is the current chairman of Tehran Chamber of Commerce, Industries, Mines and Agriculture. Al-e Eshaq, a commerce minister during Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani’s presidency in the 1990s, has a background in industrial management.

Mohammad Reza Bahonar, born in 1952, is the deputy speaker of parliament and brother of former Prime Minister Mohammad Javad Bahonar, who was assassinated in 1981. Bahonar is an experienced politician and has served in seven different parliaments. He is currently serving as deputy speaker for the third time.

Bahonar is also the secretary general and a founding member of the Islamic Society of Engineers. He is an outspoken critic of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and an ally of Ali Larijani.

Manouchehr Mottaki, born in 1953,served as foreign minister for five years until President Ahmadinejad dismissed him in December 2010. He is an ally of Parliamentary Speaker Ali Larjiani —Ahmadinejad’s rival and another potential presidential candidate.

Mottaki was elected to Iran’s first parliament after the 1979 revolution. But he spent the majority of his career in the foreign ministry as an ambassador or minister. Mottaki speaks English, Turkish, Urdu and Farsi.

Mostafa Pourmohammadi, born in 1960, is a mid-ranking cleric and was interior minister during Ahmadinejad’s first term. He currently heads the General Inspection Organization, which supervises use of government funds. Pourmohammadi has criticized Ahmadinejad’s economic reform plan, especially subsidy removal.

Pourmohammadi was also the deputy minister of intelligence for international affairs under Ali Fallahian in the 1990s. Fallahian declared his candidacy for president in February as an independent.

The “2+1” Coalition

Gholam Ali Haddad-Adel, born to a business family in 1945, is a member of parliament from Tehran. He served as parliament’s speaker from 2005 to 2008. Haddad-Adel is reportedly a close confidant of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. His daughter is married to the Khamenei’s son.

Haddad-Adel has advanced degrees in physics and philosophy. He wrote many of Iran’s middle and high school textbooks on religion and social studies while.

Mohammad-Baqer Qalibaf, born in 1961, has been the mayor of Tehran since 2005. Son of a dried-fruit seller, he served in the Revolutionary Guards and rose to high ranks during and after the 1980-1988 war with Iraq. He became the commander of the Revolutionary Guards’ air force and was chief of the Law Enforcement Force from 2000 to 2005. Qalibaf received less than 14 percent of the vote in the 2005 presidential election against Ahmadinejad.

Ali Akbar Velayati, born in 1945, is the supreme leader’s principal foreign policy adviser. He served as foreign minister under Khamenei and Rafsanjani from 1981 to 1997. Velayati serves on the Expediency Discernment Council, which resolves disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council. In 2005, he ran for president but later withdrew and supported Rafsanjani instead.

In early April, Velayati said that the coalition would not consider an alliance with any other principlist group. He claimed that the “2+1” coalition would form the most powerful government in decades, according to Press TV.

Other conservative candidates have yet to join coalitions. More than twenty principlists, reformists and independent politicians have declared their candidacy or expressed interest in running. They include:

•Ali Fallahian, a conservative member of the Assembly of Experts and a former intelligence

minister

•Mohsen Rezaie, a conservative and former chief of the Revolutionary Guards

•Hassan Rouhani, a conservative and a senior Expediency Council member, also a former

head of the Supreme National Security Council and the former lead nuclear negotiator

•Mostafa Kavakebian, the reformist secretary general of the Democracy Party and former

member of parliament

•Mohammad Shariatmadari, a former minister of commerce and a member of the Strategic

Council for Foreign Relations

Garrett Nada is a Program Assistant at USIP in the Center for Conflict Management.

Past election updates:

Ex-Nuke Negotiator to Run

Reformists Regroup to Run

Appeals to Khatami to Run

Rezaei Condemns Opposition

Three Already Running

Tags: Bahonar, Conservatives, Iran, Politics, Presidency, Principlists, Qalibaf, Rouhani, Velayati

The Islamists Are Coming

The Islamists Are Coming, edited by Robin Wright, surveys the rise of Islamist groups in the wake of the Arab Spring. Often lumped together, the more than 50 Islamist parties with millions of followers now constitute a whole new spectrum—separate from either militants or secular parties. They will shape the new order in the world’s most volatile region more than any other political bloc. Yet they have diverse goals and different constituencies. Sometimes they are even rivals.

United States Institute of Peace

The Iran Primer