Helia Ighani's Blog
Facebook in Iran: The Supreme Leader
Helia Ighani
The supreme leader’s social media appears aimed primarily at a regional and international audience. Most of his posts are in English, with some in Arabic or Spanish.
Khamenei’s newest foray into social media is on Facebook. The supreme leader’s office has yet to acknowledge page’s authenticity but the postings are similar to other official sites. Khamenei advertised the creation of his Facebook page in December 2012 to his Google Plus followers.As of April 2013, Khamenei had more than 40,500 “likes.” He has posted photos with links to transcripts of his speeches. The page also has links to audio recordings on Soundcloud, a popular German site.
— khamenei.ir (@khamenei_ir) October 14, 2012
— khamenei.ir (@khamenei_ir) October 11, 2012
— khamenei.ir (@khamenei_ir) September 18, 2012
The top of the chart featured images of four nuclear scientists who were assassinated. To emphasize Tehran’s claim that its program is peaceful, the pictures are surrounded by white doves. (Click here to see the full size image).— khamenei.ir (@khamenei_ir) September 17, 2012
— khamenei.ir (@khamenei_ir) September 17, 2012
Some YouTube clips of the Arab Spring protests are twinned with Khamenei’s speeches about the “Islamic Awakening” redefining the Middle East.
The supreme leader has posted more than 200 photos on Instagram using the same handle as his Twitter account. As of April 2013, he had more than 2,200 followers.
Many photos have produced critiques of Iranian policies—on women, homosexuality and support of extremist groups in the Middle East. One user wrote, “Ironic that this is being posted on an American-based app.”
The guide to fatwas, or religious decrees, covers themes such as prayer rituals, clothing, and pilgrimage. In some cases, Khamenei updates the fatwas of his predecessor.
The Persian language version of this website offers an SMS service for his subscribers who want constant updates on his events and recent statements.
Talk of Tehran: The Tumbling Economy
Helia Ighani
Blame Game on Currency Crisis
Helia Ighani
“They lie when they say sanctions are pressure on the government…sanctions are always a pressure on nations… It's a rock that the enemy has thrown. So what we should do? We should pick up the rock and throw it at them.” October 3
“During the last 33 years, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been faced with a wide range of different political, security, military and economic pressure and sanctions, but the Iranian nation has defused these pressures and even grown more powerful through its resistance… The Iranian nation has and will never surrender to pressures and this has made the enemy furious.” October 3
“If the enemy acts stupidly and starts another war in the Persian Gulf, our response to the stupidity of the enemy and its allies will be so decisive that they will not have the chance to regret it... We do not want [to see] a flood of thousands of American soldiers going home from the Persian Gulf in coffins.” October 5, in a speech at the weekly Muslim prayers in Tehran
“80 percent of our economy’s issues and problems relate to management and incidentally the error imagined by Westerners is that because of sanctions they can provoke turbulence in our economy.” October 2
“In my view only a small percentage of the economic problems and inflation is related to the enemy sanctions and the main reason is the erroneous economic policies…” October 5
Talk of Tehran: Squabbling over the Economy
Helia Ighani
Iran Leaders Openly Bemoan Economic Pain
Helia Ighani
Throughout July, a broad range of top political leaders, lawmakers and even military generals have publicly conceded that Iran faces growing economic hardships—with increasingly dangerous consequences. They have blamed both tightening international sanctions and years of government mismanagement. In an unusual move, Iran’s Supreme Leader intervened on July 24 to try to end the wave of criticism.
The Islamists Are Coming
The Islamists Are Coming, edited by Robin Wright, surveys the rise of Islamist groups in the wake of the Arab Spring. Often lumped together, the more than 50 Islamist parties with millions of followers now constitute a whole new spectrum—separate from either militants or secular parties. They will shape the new order in the world’s most volatile region more than any other political bloc. Yet they have diverse goals and different constituencies. Sometimes they are even rivals.
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