Major General Michael Kurilla, President Biden’s choice to head Central Command (CENTCOM), began his Army career in 1988. He has led units in combat, peacekeeping, and operational deployments. Kurilla spent every year from 2004 to 2014 in CENTCOM’s area of responsibility, which extends from Egypt on the Mediterranean to Afghanistan in South Asia and Kazakhstan in Central Asia. Kurilla commanded Conventional and Special Operations Forces in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Senate unanimously confirmed Kurilla on February 22, and he took command of CENTCOM on April 1.
Kurilla has repeatedly warned about the dangers from Iran. At his confirmation hearing, he said that Iran’s military capabilities are “rapidly expanding” in ways that threaten U.S. personnel, facilities, and allies as well as international trade. The Islamic Republic “is the No. 1 destabilizing factor in the Middle East right now with their malign behavior,” he told the Senate Armed Services Committee on February 8, 2022. Iran and its network of proxy militias “exploit instability throughout the region,” he warned in his written testimony.
Iran’s goal is to push U.S. forces out of the region, Kurilla said. Tehran has so far avoided escalation into major conflict, but the risk of miscalculation “remains high,” he added.
Kurilla implicitly supported the renewal of the 2015 nuclear deal between Iran and the world’s major powers, which was abandoned by the Trump Administration. “I am supportive of any enforceable agreement that limits Tehran's ability to gain nuclear weapons,” he said. But Kurilla acknowledged that Tehran might use some revenue after sanctions relief to support its proxies and terrorism beyond its borders—adding new risks to U.S. forces in the region. The following are excerpts from Kurilla’s comments on Iran.
In written testimony to the Senate Armed Services Committee on Feb. 8, 2022:
What is your assessment of the current military threat posed by Iran?
Iran remains the primary and enduring threat in the USCENTCOM area of operations due to its use of its increasingly sophisticated military capabilities, broad proxy network, and periodic willingness to use force against the U.S., our allies, and partner forces. Iran’s rapidly expanding military capabilities enable it to coerce its neighbors, threaten international trade, and exploit instability throughout the region. Tehran’s primary power projection tools are ballistic missiles, UAVs, and expanding maritime capabilities. Iran’s missile inventory includes both medium-and short-range ballistic missiles capable of holding many regional targets at risk. Iranian surface-to-air missiles pose a significant threat to U.S. intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance assets operating in international airspace. Additionally, naval cruise missile technologies will strengthen Iran’s Anti-Access Area Denial efforts and increase Tehran’s ability to hold critical sea lines of communication at risk and threaten countries in the region with greater speed, precision, and lethality. Iran also leverages a network of proxy forces to advance its power base and build strategic depth. Iran repeatedly demonstrates a willingness to share advanced conventional weapons with Shia militant proxies and partners throughout the region.
Are U.S. military forces and capabilities currently deployed to the USCENTCOM AOR adequate to deter and, if necessary, respond to threats posed by Iran?
If confirmed, I will conduct a careful assessment of forces required in the region with consideration for the significant military capabilities and threats emanating from Iran. This assessment will examine force levels necessary to deter and, if necessary, respond to Iranian threats and assess risks and mitigating strategies.
What is your assessment of U.S. national security interests associated with the growth of Iranian influence in the Middle East?
My assessment is that Iran’s negative influence in the region continues to grow and is incompatible with U.S. national interests, as well as those of our allies and partners. Iran views the U.S. as its greatest enduring threat and continues a multifaceted approach to remove U.S. forces from the region while avoiding escalation into major conflict. The risk of miscalculation and escalation remains high.
If the United States returned to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), what concerns, if any, would you have for regional security?
Iran is, in my view, the single biggest contributor to instability in the region and any agreement must fully prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. Without knowledge of the specific terms of ongoing diplomatic negotiations, it is premature to assess the outcomes on regional security. Renewed negotiation efforts must consider the significant changes that have occurred in the security and geopolitical environments since the 2018 American withdrawal from the agreement.
What actions, if any, do you believe the United States and the international community could undertake to counter Iran’s increasing conventional military capabilities?
It is my view that together with the international community and our Middle East partners, the U.S. maintains a shared objective in countering Iran’s proliferation of Advanced Conventional Weapons and its support to proxies. In addition to continued diplomatic engagement, I assess that USCENTCOM must continue its efforts to enhance interoperability with allies and partners to deter and, when required, defeat Iranian conventional military capability across multiple domains. Finally, we must continue investing in technology, to include Artificial Intelligence and machine learning platforms and programs, to increase our ability to detect, defend, and respond to conventional Iranian military capabilities.
In your view, what risks, if any, are associated with reducing U.S. military presence in the Middle East with respect to the threat posed by Iran?
If confirmed, I will assess whether a reduction of U.S. force presence impacts our ability to achieve objectives for the region and undermines the assurances we provide allies and partners. Part of this assessment will address key areas in which partners, allies, or interagency elements can fill capability gaps or further enable efforts. It is my view that the current U.S. military posture in the Middle East serves as an important role in unifying a coalition of regional partners and provides a counterbalance to Iran’s malign regional influence. If confirmed, I would ensure USCENTCOM continues to work hard in sustaining enduring military, security, and intelligence ties with our regional partners.
What is your assessment of the purpose and threat posed by Iran’s ballistic missile program? To what extent is the U.S. and our partners in the region postured to counter the Iranian ballistic missile threat?
If confirmed, I will assess whether U.S. and our partners’ integrated air and missile defense capability is adequate to counter Iranian ballistic missile threats in the short term. I intend to prioritize working with regional partners on their air defense systems with the aim of fully integrating air and missile defense across the region.
In your view, what role, if any, should USCENTCOM play in countering Iran’s support of international terrorism and proxy forces throughout the USCENTCOM AOR?
It is my view that USCENTCOM should support a whole-of-government approach to countering Iran’s support for international terrorism and proxy forces. The Iranian regime leverages the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps-Qods Force in managing proxies in Yemen, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon through the proliferation of advanced weapons technology and destabilizing actions. USCENTCOM will counter Iranian efforts with continued operations, activities, investments, engagements, and support to partners in the region.
During his Senate confirmation hearing on Feb. 8:
"Iran is the No. 1 destabilizing factor in the Middle East right now with their malign behavior. I think going through our partners and allies and strengthening those with a united front with all of our partners and allies is the best way to confront them.”
On Iran’s nuclear program
"I think any enforceable agreement should make sure that they do not get a nuclear weapon."
“I'm not aware of the exact details of the ongoing negotiations, but I am supportive of any enforceable agreement that limits Tehran's ability to gain nuclear weapons.”
“There is a risk with sanctions relief that Iran would use some of that money [earned after sanctions are lifted] to support its proxies and terrorism in the region. And if they did, it could increase the risk to our forces in the region.”
“My current job, I'm not aware of the current military options [for eliminating Iran’s nuclear capability]. My only concern would be that you can never take away the intellectual knowledge that they have on how to increase their nuclear capability. And then the reaction that Iran would have of any strike on them.”
On Iran’s proxies
“I believe the key is that we have to make sure that we expose the Iranian malign behavior [in Iraq]. I have found that any time Iran's hand behind this is exposed, it is helpful.”
“Iranian aligned militia groups that are either firing rockets at our embassy in Iraq, they're firing at our troops inside of Syria. They support the Houthis, and they are providing that technology to them to fire ballistic missiles into the UAE and into Saudi Arabia. When we expose the Iranian hand behind that, it causes them to react.”
“Mainly, they may try and hide their behavior, and it can cause them to not take action for a period of time. That is my experience when I was down at CENTCOM.”
On cyber security
“Iran has a very capable offensive cyber capability. We see that playing out in the CENTCOM region right now. So I think the areas that we can also work on is hardening our cyber defenses of our partners in the region.”